And the stunning conclusion:

Lastly, the Bush Doctrine has been seen in a strong attempt to gain international allies. To many, this may seem to be an odd statement, since most people in the United States view the Bush administration as an international public relations trainwreck. And it is true that the actions of the Bush administration have hurt our relationships with several nations. However, almost all of the nations with which relations have cooled are in Western Europe, which is beginning to exert less and less influence in the world abroad due to the modernization of South America and South-Eastern Asia, and it is in these last areas where the Bush administration has been truly successful.

The United States and India have long been allies, but President Bush has done much to strengthen the ties between the two countries. After the September 11 attacks, President Bush requested that India police the sea lanes from the Suez canal to Singapore, an importan responsibility that India was happy to accept. Both nations have worked closely together in responding to natural disasters, particularly the 2004 Southeast Asian Tsunami. In addition to this, trade with India has increased dramatically under the Bush administration, and it was President Bush, along with with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who instituted the Trade Policy Forum to ensure better economic cooperation between the two nations. The growth of this partnership with India stands to have numerous long term benefits for the United States, and we would not be where we are now without President Bush.

Ten years ago, the common assertion was that the next world war would be one between the United States and China. Ten years ago, that was a possibility. The, hopefully, accidental bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, followed relatively shortly after by the Hainan Island Incident, raised tensions higher than they had been in years, and though war was not at stake, things did not look good for U.S.-China relations. President Clinton apologized and arranged for payment for the incident in Belgrade, but the real turning point was the Letter of Two Sorries issued by Ambassador Joseph Prueher on behalf of the President. The genius of this letter is not only that it was an apology, but that it was an apology specifically tailored to Chinese cultural forms, and that it also included the possibility of a cessation of reconaissance on the Chinese border. Through the intervening years, the United States has worked closely with China in the War on Terror, and our economic partnership has increased dramatically. One striking example of how our relationship has changed is that President Bush has declared an official One China policy, and has rebuked the President of Taiwan when he has been too openly advocating a one China policy. One last remark here: Many people were critical of the fact that President Bush did not leave the Olympic games to deal with the developing crisis in Georgia. They have accused him of staying on vacation while one of our allies was attacked. However, this accusation misses the point of what he was doing, which was continuing to strengthen the relationship between the U.S. and China. To the Chinese, the Beijing Olympiad was the most important international event thus far this millenia, and the cost and painstaking preparation are proof of that. President Bush was specifically invited as an honored guest. Thus, while he was attending the Olympics, he was not on vacation, but was acting in an official diplomatic capacity. Had he left the Games in order to address the situation in Georgia, a situation over which he had no control, he would have deeply offended the Chinese government and damged U.S. relations with them.

Despite claims to the contrary, President Bush in no dullard. Though he has been thoroughly lambasted these past few years, I believe that time will show the true effectiveness of the Bush Doctrine. In twenty years, people will look at Bush the same way they view Reagan: as someone who made the world safe for America.